Delphi 279 BCE... when Apollo made the sky fall upon Gauls and Pan filled them up with terror
Roman historian Livy of the 1st c BCE, in a short introduction of the battle of Allia [390 BCE ca] and the following sack of Rome by the Gauls, narrated a legend about the immigration of the Celtic tribes from central Europe to the south. According to it [Liv 5.34], Celts had increased in population so much that their king Ambigatus, thought it would be difficult to govern. So, he ordered his two nephews, each to take some part of the people and search for new lands to settle; Bellovesus headed to Italy, and Segovesus took the eastern road of the great ancient Hercynian forest. A forest that according to Julius Caesar [Caes. Gal. 6.24-25] had a length of 60 days of quick travelling, with its eastern boundaries at the lands of Dacii & Anartes [regions of the northern part of the Balkan peninsula].
Livy possibly miscalculated the dating of these peoples' immigration; he set it around 600 BCE, while modern historians prefer the later period of 500-450 BCE as the start [eg. Ó hÓgáin [2003], p. 11]. Nevertheless, this general immigration's reason [ie. overpopulation] is also repeated a little later by Trogus, having himself Celtic roots [Jus 24.4]. While Greek Memnon was indicating famine as the cause [FHG 14, Excerpta of Photius]. In any case, Trogus is confirming the two immigrating branches, namely, though, as one to Italy, and one to Illyria and Pannonia. He also added that their total number was reaching the 300.000 men & women.
• The Gaul invasion in Italy has been reasonably related to Bellovesus by the modern historians, too. But regarding Celtic entrance into Balkans & the legendary Segovesus, things aren't so clear, as both could be involved; see eg. discussion below on Alexander's case.
Οne of the early incidents where Gauls and Greeks came in contact, was recorded by Strabo, the Greek geographer of the 1st c BCE. On the expedition of Alexander the great in Thrace, against the tribes of Getae & Tribalii [335 BCE], he writes:
| φησὶ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λάγου κατὰ ταύτην τὴν στρατείαν συμμῖξαι τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ Κελτοὺς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν φιλίας καὶ ξενίας χάριν, δεξάμενον δὲ αὐτοὺς φιλοφρόνως τὸν βασιλέα ἐρέσθαι παρὰ πότον, τί μάλιστα εἴη ὃ φοβοῖντο, νομίζοντα αὐτὸν ἐρεῖν: αὐτοὺς δ᾽ ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι οὐδὲν πλὴν εἰ ἄρα μὴ ὁ οὐρανὸς αὐτοῖς ἐπιπέσοι, φιλίαν γε μὴν ἀνδρὸς τοιούτου περὶ παντὸς τίθεσθαι. | And Ptolemy son of Lagus* says that the Celts, who live around the Adriatic sea, joined Alexander in this campaign for friendship and hospitality, and that the king [=Alexander], after accepting them, kindly asked them while drinking; what is the thing that they fear the most, thinking that they would say himself; and that they replied that there's nothing except that the sky might fall on them; but that however they put above everything the friendship of such a man [=Alexander]. |
* Ptolemy I Soter [367 – 282 BCE], a general of Alexander the great and appointed satrap of Egypt after his death. He wrote a history of Alexander's campaign, now lost
• Similar narration is given, also, by Arrian a little later; mentioning, however, these Celts as residing at the Ionian Gulf, equivalent to Adriatic sea [2nd c CE, Arr. An. 1.4]. By the aforementioned geographical terms, I didn't feel 100% sure to which of the two branches of the Gaul immigration the texts were referring. And historians don't agree exactly. Ó hÓgáin for instance [2003, p. 49], classifies the incident into the eastern Balkan branch, while Mócsy [2014, p. 5] indicates NW Italy as the starting point of these Celts. Some scepticism has been also expressed by Guštin [2006].
In any case this 'falling sky' is probably an expression used in Strabo so to underline bravery. When I've first read it, it made me smile. It reminded me Asterix. It seemed that Gosciny & Uderzo were aware of the aforementioned ancient legends.
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| Something to protect Gauls from the falling sky. Celtic helmet of 4th c. BCE [Italy], now in Antikensammlung of Staatlichen Museen of Berlin. It was tracked after reading relevant articles in https://balkancelts.wordpress.com/. For more findings check also Anastassov [2011], Kavur [2018], Mac Gonagle [2014] |
The Gaul invasion in the Greek mainland
Concerning events till 280 BCE ca, Celts, and gradually Gauls, are mentioned especially around warfares in the area.
• So, in 368 BCE ca Celts were part of a mercenary army sent by Dionysius I of Syracuse to join Sparta against Thebes [Diod. 15.70 & Xen. Hell. 7.1.20]. War events are mentioned between Celts and Illyrians; said to take place during the 2nd half of 4th c. BCE according to historians [cf. Theo. FHG I 284, in Ath. 10.60 & Pol. 7.42]. Roman sources say that Cassander, the Macedon king, pushed back a group of Gauls at the Haemus mount, an event placed in 300 BCE ca [Plin.Nat. 31.30 & Sen.Nat. 3.11]. And it made me wonder if this Cassander's incident was the same with the 1st unsuccessful Gaul invasion in Thrace mentioned by Pausanias [Paus. 10.19]; which seemed to be the prelude for the following one that interests us.
Polybios in his Histories, referring to both Gauls in Italy and Balkans, comments for this period [Plb. 2.20]: "at this time fortune placed some kind of plague-like mood of war to all the Gauls" [=ἐν γὰρ τούτοις ἡ τύχη τοῖς καιροῖς ὡσανεὶ λοιμικήν τινα πολέμου διάθεσιν ἐπέστησε πᾶσι Γαλάταις].
And so in 280 BCE Gauls invaded coordinated into Greek mainland. The year '280' is a little approximate. We just know that this started in a short time before autumn of 279 BCE [Paus. 10.23]. The main reason of this expedition that Pausanias is mentioning [Paus. 10.19.6] was the lure of looting; aspect repeated by Diodorus [Diod. 22.9] & Trogus [Jus. 24.6].
Gauls' invasion took place from north to south, in three parallel branches at a same time more or less. Regarding numbers, ancient sources seem mentioning only the middle one, led by Brennus & Acichorius; though it's a little unclear. In any case Pausanias speaks of 152.000 infantry and 20.400 horses [Paus. 10.19.9]. Diodorus of 150.000 & 10.000 [Diod. 22.9] & Trogus of 150.000 & 15.000 respectively [Jus. 24.6].
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| The possible approximate routes of the Gallic invasion of 280 BCE ca |
The east [right] branch invaded Thrace under Cerethrius's leadership. Probably it was successful, but no further references occur.
The middle wave under Brennus had as first target Paeonia [north of Macedonia]. Then headed to the south, reaching at Delphi, where they were defeated [these warfares will be seen in more detail below]. It's not certain how many returned afterwards; or if and how many joined the Gauls in Thrace.
• Sources seem contradictory on this. For example, Diodorus [22.9.3] mentions that after defeat they just returned home, while Pausanias [10.23.13] says that almost none returned; and Polybius [4.46] that it was they who, after returning from Delphi, founded the short-lived kingdom of Tylis in Thrace. Close to this version are Trogus [Jus. 32.3] & Athenaeus [6.25], who reproduce that these Celts ended north, near Danube under the name of Scordisci. Trogus also adds that Brennus' army was scattered in Thrace & Asia after Delphi [Jus. 32.3]. While few chapters before [Jus. 25], was narrating about some Gaulish force, left behind by Brennus, that was defeated by Antigonus II Gonatas, the following King of Macedonia; actually triggering their passing in Asia. This defeat was said to take place in Lysimachia [D.L. 6.9]. Pausanias just writes that Gauls entered Asia in 278-7 BCE [10.23.14].
In any case, after these events Gauls are mentioned mainly around activities in Asia minor, controlling territories in Phrygia & ones near Ancyra; known later as Galatia or Gallograecia by some Roman sources [Strabo is giving an account of these tribes, 4.1.13]. An other celtic reference in the area of Thrace, that can be read later in the sources, is around Scordisci.
279 BCE. Thermopylae & Delphi
The main and most detailed source for this battle is Pausanias [10.19-23]. Trogus [Jus. 24.6-8] & Diodorus [22.9] are coming next, while also other writers are mentioning some of the incidents. So, according to Pausanias, the main course of these warfares took place like this:
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| Battlefield of Thermopylae & Delphi in 279 BCE. Gauls came from North and crossed Spercheios river. The shoreline of Malian gulf was at the time more western, making the passage at Thermopylae really narrow, constraining it between sea and rocks, favoring a smaller army. |
According to the aforementioned sources the Gauls had about 150.000 infantry and 20.000 cavalry. Pausanias says that the Greek army, about 22.000 foot soldiers and 2.000 horses, was waiting at the area of Heraclea & Thermopylae. It was constituted by Aetoleans, Boeteans, Phocaeans, Locreans, Megareans, & Atheneans [Paus. 10.20.1-5]. The first four were participating in the Aetolean league; a confederation of greek cities of the central mainland, flourishing maninly after the death of Alexander the great. It seems controlling Delphi since at least 290 BCE [Plut.Dem. 40.4].
Greeks firstly destroyed the bridges, but about 10.000 Gauls moved lower along the river, passed through and in the end pushed back the Greeks; then rebuilt a bridge. After crossing, the first battle took place at the entrance of the narrow passage of Thermopylae, where the cavalry of both sides proved to be useless. Gauls were defeated with heavier losses and retreated, while Atheneans from ships in the gulf were hitting with arrows. Pausanias [10.21.4] is mentioning that the Gauls left their dead soldiers unburied, possibly to cause terror to the greek camp underlining their lack of feelings.
On the 7th day the Gauls tried to move in the near Oeta mount through a passage; more possibly to plunder some Athena temple. But they were pushed back by the Phocaeans [pink arrow].
Then Brennus thought that he should drive away the Aetoleans, probably the stronger part of the Greek army. Thus, he sent units of 40.000 soldiers and 800 riders to enter Aetolia causing diversion. These troops crossed back the Spercheios and headed unseen west along the river; then turned south till the town Callium, committing atrocities in the way; while the Aetoleans were informed of this maneuver and tried to catch the Gaulish army. The Gauls after putting fire to Callium returned from the same way, but Aetoleans were waiting along and attacked with guerrilla tactics. The Gauls lost more than the half of these units [blue arrow].
• There's a debate about which town was Callium. More probable is that it was located at the place of the later Veloukhovo - as in the map above -, which was covered by the waters of the artificial lake of Mornos; the aforementioned battlefield is said to be along the region Kokkalia, where few archaeological finds seem to have been discovered. Check Sotiriadis [1907], p. 310ff, and for findings: http://www.paleochori.gr/p/blog-page_9787.html.
Meanwhile, Brennus took some regiments and followed another path through Oeta mount, so to surprise the Greek army from the back; leaving behind the rest of the troops under Acichorius. Greeks were informed and left. And so Brennus headed to the oracle of Delphi [yellow arrow]. Guerilla warfares took place, while Greeks [Delphians, Aetoleans & Phocaeans] seem to be helped with storms and landslides [an issue to be be analyzed below]. In the end the Gauls retreated, having lost at least 16.000 and with Brennus wounded.
After rejoining the rest of the Gauls, Brennus seems committing suicide.
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| Panoramic view of the archaeological site of Delphi, with the remains of the temple of Apollo. The Gauls should have approached from down left, from wikicommons |
The victory at Delphi
According to Pausanias [10.22.13], 400 Phocaeans & over 1200 Aetoleans, besides the locals, came for help to Delphi [Trogus mentions not more than 4000 Delphians against 65000 Gauls [Jus. 24.7]].
The impact of this victory seems to be considered great by some in the ancient world [eg. Plb. 2.35.7]. And it probably was the cause for the creation of a regular celebrating festival at Delphi; the Soteria.
This impact also survived in later historiography sometimes as an Aetolean pride. An incident underlining this pride, is given by Polybius [2nd c. BCE]. Around events of 210 BCE, during First Macedonian War, Aetoleans [on behalf of the Roman alliance] & Acarnaneas [on behalf of Macedonia], came in Sparta and debated so to convince them to join either the one's or the other's cause. Inter alia, Chlaeneas the Aetolean, said:
| Αἰτωλοὶ γὰρ μόνοι μὲν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀντωφθάλμησαν πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἀδίκως ἀκληρούντων ἀσφαλείας, μόνοι δὲ πρὸς τὴν Βρέννου καὶ τῶν ἅμα τούτῳ βαρβάρων ἔφοδον ἀντέστησαν... | cause Aetoleans alone among the Greeks faced Antipater for the safety of the unjustly unfortunates, and alone were opposed againt the attack of Brennus and his barbarians... |
Assumption that wasn't denied by the other side when Acarnanean Lyciscus spoke [Plb. 9.35.1-2; for discussion of these excerpts check Champion [1996] & Erdkamp [2008]].
This pride probably had entered and in Roman works. Trogus [Jus. 28.2] is giving the Aetolean answer to a Roman embassy, when the latter tried to protect Acarnaneans and convince for their freedom. According to Trogus' narration this seems preceding the First Macedonian War.
| Meminisse deinde iubent, qui quibus minentur. Adversus Gallos urbem eos suam tueri non potuisse captamque non ferro defendisse, sed auro redemisse; quam gentem se aliquanto maiore manu Graeciam ingressam non solum nullis externis viribus, sed ne domesticis quidem totis adiutos universam delesse, sedemque sepulcris eorum praebuisse, quam illi urbibus imperioque suo proposuerant; | Then they [=Aetoleans] urge [the Romans] to remember, who are threatening whom; [and to remember that] against Gauls they [=Romans] haven't been able to defend their city and, when captured, they have protected [it] not by sword, but have rebought it with gold; [and that] they [=Aetoleans] have destroyed this whole people [=Gauls], when entered with considerably more hands in Greece, while they [=Aetoleans] haven't been helped, not only by no external forces, but also by not all the domestic [forces] indeed; [and that] they have provided for their graves a place, that they would have intended to be for these cities and their empire. |
• This pride could be underlined by the participation of the Aetoleans in the Delphic amphictyonic league, after this victory [as many inscriptions can tell, of which an ancient one is SGDI II 2506 of 277 BCE]. This league, originally constituted by 12 tribes - cities, had the Pahellenic oracle of Delphi under its protection and control. By this battle, also, the Phocaeans regained their seat in the league, that had lost cause of events during the 3rd sacred war [Paus. 10.3 & 8].
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| Pausanias as depicted in the 15th c. manuscript Laur. Plut. 56.11, f.1r |
But a passage that really attracted my attention was the description of the god's interference in the battle of the Delphi. Something that made think of the aforementioned 'falling sky' for an instance; though in the end the explanation should be searched elsewhere I think. But firstly let's see what Pausanias said:
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[1] Βρέννῳ δὲ καὶ τῇ στρατιᾷ τῶν τε Ἑλλήνων οἱ ἐς Δελφοὺς
ἀθροισθέντες ἀντετάξαντο, καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀντεσήμαινε τὰ ἐκ τοῦ
θεοῦ ταχύ τε καὶ ὧν ἴσμεν φανερώτατα. ἥ τε γὰρ γῆ πᾶσα, ὅσην ἐπεῖχεν
ἡ τῶν Γαλατῶν στρατιά, βιαίως καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐσείετο τῆς ἡμέρας,
βρονταί τε καὶ κεραυνοὶ συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο: [2] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐξέπληττόν
τε τοὺς Κελτοὺς καὶ δέχεσθαι τοῖς ὠσὶ τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ἐκώλυον, τὰ
δὲ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ οὐκ ἐς ὅντινα κατασκήψαι μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς
πλησίον καὶ αὐτοὺς ὁμοίως καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐξῆπτε. τά τε τῶν ἡρώων
τηνικαῦτά σφισιν ἐφάνη φάσματα, ὁ Ὑπέροχος καὶ ὁ Λαόδοκός τε καὶ
Πύρρος: οἱ δὲ καὶ τέταρτον Φύλακον ἐπιχώριον Δελφοῖς ἀπαριθμοῦσιν
ἥρωα... [4] τοιούτοις μὲν οἱ βάρβαροι παρὰ πᾶσαν τὴν ἡμέραν παθήμασί τε καὶ ἐκπλήξει συνείχοντο: τὰ δὲ ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ πολλῷ σφᾶς ἔμελλεν ἀλγεινότερα ἐπιλήψεσθαι. ῥῖγός τε γὰρ ἰσχυρὸν καὶ νιφετὸς ἦν ὁμοῦ τῷ ῥίγει, πέτραι τε ἀπολισθάνουσαι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ μεγάλαι τε καὶ κρημνοὶ καταρρηγνύμενοι σκοπὸν τοὺς βαρβάρους εἶχον, καὶ αὐτοῖς οὐ κατὰ ἕνα ἢ δύο ἀλλὰ κατὰ τριάκοντα καὶ ἔτι πλείοσιν, ὡς ἕκαστοι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ φρουροῦντες ἢ καὶ ἀναπαυόμενοι τύχοιεν, ἀθρόοις ἡ ἀπώλεια ἐγένετο ὑπὸ τῆς ἐμβολῆς τῶν κρημνῶν... [7] καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἔνθα νὺξ κατελάμβανεν ἀναχωροῦντας, ἐν δὲ τῇ νυκτὶ φόβος σφίσιν ἐμπίπτει Πανικός: τὰ γὰρ ἀπὸ αἰτίας οὐδεμιᾶς δείματα ἐκ τούτου φασὶ γίνεσθαι. ἐνέπεσε μὲν ἐς τὸ στράτευμα ἡ ταραχὴ περὶ βαθεῖαν τὴν ἑσπέραν, καὶ ὀλίγοι τὸ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐγένοντο οἱ παραχθέντες ἐκ τοῦ νοῦ, ἐδόξαζόν τε οὗτοι κτύπου τε ἐπελαυνομένων ἵππων καὶ ἐφόδου πολεμίων αἰσθάνεσθαι: μετὰ δὲ οὐ πολὺ καὶ ἐς ἅπαντας διέδρα ἡ ἄγνοια. [8] ἀναλαβόντες οὖν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ διαστάντες ἔκτεινόν τε ἀλλήλους καὶ ἀνὰ μέρος ἐκτείνοντο, οὔτε γλώσσης τῆς ἐπιχωρίου συνιέντες οὔτε τὰς ἀλλήλων μορφὰς οὔτε τῶν θυρεῶν καθορῶντες τὰ σχήματα: ἀλλὰ ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς τάξεσιν ὁμοίως ὑπὸ τῆς ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀγνοίας οἵ τε ἄνδρες οἱ ἀνθεστηκότες εἶναί σφισιν Ἕλληνες καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐφαίνοντο καὶ Ἑλλάδα ἀφιέναι τὴν φωνήν, ἥ τε ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ μανία πλεῖστον ἐξειργάσατο ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων τοῖς Γαλάταις τὸν φόνον... [10] πλῆθος δὲ τὸ ἐν τῇ Φωκίδι αὐτῶν ἀναλωθέν, ὀλίγῳ μὲν ἑξακισχιλίων ἐλάσσονες οἱ ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ χειμερίῳ διαφθαρέντες νυκτὶ καὶ ὕστερον οἱ ἐν τῷ Πανικῷ δείματι ἐγένοντο ὑπὲρ τοὺς μυρίους, τοσοῦτοι δὲ ἄλλοι καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ. |
[1] And the Greeks who gathered at Delphi, were opposed to Brennus
and his army, and soon hostile signs were given by god to the
barbarians, and from what we know [they were] the clearest [signs].
And the whole ground, that the Gauls' army occupied, was shaken
violently most of the day, and there were continuous thunders and
lightnings. [2] and the first [=thunders] surprised the Celts and
prevented them to hear the orders, and the ones from the sky
[=lightnings] set on fire not only the one whom they struck but also
his nearbies, themselves and their armor. And then revealed to them
the ghosts of the heroes, Hyperochus and Laodocus and Pyrrhus; and
some are counting a fourth, Phylacus, a local one of the Delphi...
[4] and the barbarians were restrained by such misfortunes and terrors during the whole day; but the misfortunes of the night were going to become by far more painful. Cause strong frost and snowstorm along, existed; and big rocks, slipping from Parnassus, and breaking cliffs had the barbarians as target; and the destruction by the piercing of the cliffs came to them while they were gathered, not to one or two but to thirty and even more, as each happened to be in the same place, guarding or resting... [7] and they encamped where night caught them leaving, and during night the fear of the Pan [=panic] fell on them; cause they say that the terrors, [seemingly] by none reason, occurred by him [=god Pan]. And the confusion fell on the army at late afternoon, and firstly the misled by the mind were few, and these thought hearing the sound of galloping horses and the attack of enemies; but after a while the delusion spread to all. [8] thus after taking the arms and splitting up, they killed each other and portions [of them] died, cause neither they were hearing their mother tongue nor noticing the forms of one another or the shape of the shields; and under the present delusion, the opposed men looked like Greeks to both groups similarly, themselves and the arms; and Greek looked like speaking; and mostly the raging madness [=mania] by the god [Pan], caused to the Gauls the murder by each other... [10] and regarding the number of these that were killed in Phocis, the ones in battles were a little less than 6.000, and the ones killed in the wintry night and later the ones in the fear of Pan were over 10.000, and the same number by starvation. |
Spectacular battle!
... that probably explains the victory despite the fact that Gauls were outnumbered.
If one can pick up the supernatural reasons of this victory as described above, these would be:
a. Heroes' epiphanies
b. Physical phenomena attributed to gods
c. Panic
a. Heroes' epiphanies
Not much to look in here. Heroes, appearing out of nowhere & fighting next to soldiers, was a common theme in tales & legends since at least the Greco-Persian wars [check examples in Petridou [2015], p. 107ff].
• Just for the record in Delphi these were: Hyperochus, Laodocus, Pyrrhus, and a local Phylacus [Paus. 10.23.2]. For the same battle Pausanias, when speaking of Attica [1.4.4], is giving Hyperochus and Amadocus [Hyperboreans], and Pyrrhus son of Achilles. Delphian Phylacus, who was out of the Attica list, will be seen again in another, more ancient, below.
b. God's epiphanies
So we have falling rocks, shaking ground, storm, thunders & lightnings. All attributed to an unnamed god, which obviously is Apollo, the main deity of Delphi.
Pausanias was writing in the 2nd c. CE; ie. about 400 years later. And what firstly concerned me was how this story of god's intervention appeared in historiography; especially when was the first reference and what included etc.
The first implication was made possibly shortly after the battle. An inscription found in the Asclepeion of Cos island, is said to contain a decree of the city ordering thanksgivings to Delphi and the sanctuary for the victory. The content has been dated just before summer of 278 BCE but the inscription itself a little later, in 250 BCE ca; possibly a copy of the original [for info check Sherwin-White [1978], p. 107 & greek-language].
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| Upper part of Cos inscription that is translated below, Syll.3 398, IG XII,4 1:68. Photo of the whole piece can be seen via http://archive.csad.ox.ac.uk/ |
| Διοκλῆς Φιλίνου εἶπε· ἐπειδὴ τῶν βαρβάρων στρατείαν ποιησαμένων ἐπὶτοὺς Ἕλλανας καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς, ἀναγγέλλεται τὸς μὲν ἐλθόντας ἐπὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τιμωρίας τετεύχεν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐπιβοαθησάντων τῶι ἱερῶι ἐν τᾶι τῶν βαρβάρων ἐφόδωι, τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν διαπεφυλάχθαι τε καὶ ἐπικεκοσμῆσθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιστρατευσάντων ὅπλοις,[10] τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν τῶν στρατευσάντων τοὺς πλείστους ἀπολώλεν ἐν τοῖς γενομένοις ἀγῶσι ποτὶ τοὺς Ἕλλανας αὐτοῖς· ---- ὅπως οὖν ὁ δᾶμος φανερὸς ἦι συναδόμενος ἐπὶ τᾶι γεγενημέναι νίκαι τοῖς Ἕλλασι καὶ τῶι θεῶι χαριστήρια ἀποδιδοὺς τᾶς τε ἐπιφανείας τᾶς γεγενημένας ἕνεκεν ἐν τοῖς περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν κινδύνοις καὶ τᾶς τῶν Ἑλλάνων σωτηρίας· [20] | Diocles son of Filinos said [=suggested]· because it is announced that, after the barbarians marched against the Greeks and the sanctuary of Delphi, those who attacked the sanctuary were punished by the god and by the men who assisted the sanctuary during the attack of the barbarians; and that the sanctuary was kept safe and was decorated with the weapons of the attackers, and, most of the rest invaders, were killed in these battles that took place against the Greeks; ---- so to be obvious that the city [=Cos] is in accord with the Greeks [:regarding feelings] for the accomplished victory and that it's giving thanks to the god for appearing in the battles around the sanctuary and for the salvation of Greeks... [:and the suggestion follows] |
The god of Delphi here punished the invaders by appearing in the battles. How exactly, it remains uncertain.
From later historiographers, though Polybius and Strabo are narrating few things around this battle, there's no mention of any divine hand in their work. It's in Diodorus of Sicily of the 1st c. BCE that we find some implication; though it's not certain if it's the first:
| Ὅτι οἱ ἐν Δελφοῖς ὄντες κατὰ τὴν τῶν Γαλατῶν ἔφοδον θεωροῦντες πλησίον ὄντα τὸν κίνδυνον ἐπηρώτησαν τὸν θεὸν εἰ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἀποκομίσωσιν ἐκ τοῦ μαντείου πρὸς τὰς ὀχυρωτάτας τῶν πλησίον πόλεων. ἡ δὲ Πυθία τοῖς Δελφοῖς ἀπόκρισιν ἔδωκεν προστάττειν τὸν θεὸν ἐᾶν τὰ ἀναθήματα καὶ τἄλλα τὰ πρὸς τὸν κόσμον τῶν θεῶν ἀνήκοντα κατὰ χώραν ἐν τῷ μαντείῳ· φυλάξειν γὰρ ἅπαντα τὸν θεὸν καὶ μετ' αὐτοῦ τὰς λευκὰς κόρας. ὄντων δὲ ἐν τῷ τεμένει δυεῖν νεῶν παντελῶς ἀρχαίων Ἀθηνᾶς Προναίας καὶ Ἀρτέμιδος, ταύτας τὰς θεοὺς ὑπέλαβον εἶναι τὰς διὰ τοῦ χρησμοῦ προσαγορευομένας λευκὰς κόρας. | At the time of the Gaulish attack the ones in Delphi, seeing the danger being close, asked the god if they should carry away from the shrine the money, the children and the women, to the most fortified nearby cities. and Pythia replied to the Deplians that god commanded to leave at place, inside the oracle, the dedications and the other decorations of gods· because the god, and the white maidens with him, will protect everything. and as two temples entirely ancient, of Athena Pronaia & Artemis, were in the precint, they assumed that these goddesses were the white maidens named by the prophecy. |
Here it seems just as a promise, but it should be underlined that the specific passage has survived only as a separated excerpt, out of its context.
Greek mainland is already under Roman rule. And the above Diodorus' approach can be seen enriched in the more or less contemporary Cicero's work [45 BCE ca].
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Obiciuntur etiam saepe formae quae reapse nullae sunt, speciem
autem offerunt; quod contigisse Brenno dicitur eiusque Gallicis
copiis, cum fano Apollinis Delphici nefarium bellum intulisset. tum
enim ferunt ex oraclo ecfatam esse Pythiam: ego providebo rem istam et albae vírgines. ex quo factum ut viderentur virgines ferre arma contra et nive Gallorum obrueretur exercitus. |
Often shapes are also presenting themselves, who are none in
reality, but they offer vision [=are visible]. which is said that
have happenned to Brennus and his Gaulish troops, when have brought
impious war to the shrine of Delphius Apollo; then they really
report that Pythia have pronounced from the oracle: I foresee this thing, [me] and the white virgins And by that moment it happened, so that the virgins were seen bearing arms against, and the army of the Gauls was overwhelmed with snow. |
Roman historian Livy of the 1st c BCE has only heard of the story of the storm [=tempestate], and it's noticeable that he's remembering it in connection with Bastarnae; a people possibly Germanic but at the time thought to be Celtic [Liv. 40.58.3].
Sextus Propertius, maybe a little earlier, was narrating in one of his Elegies:
| torrida sacrilegum testantur limina Brennum, dum petit intonsi Pythia regna dei: at mox laurigero concussus vertice diras Gallica Parnasus sparsit in arma nives. | Burning portals [:or dwellings] are witness to sacrilegious Brennus, while he attacks at the leafy Pythian realms of the god: but soon Parnasus, shaken at the laurel-bearing top, scattered fearful snows at the Gaulish arms. |
And we come to maybe the first historic text, describing this divine hand in some more detail. Maybe the fact that the whole work was about the history these areas had played its part; however it's still Roman. It was written by Trogus in the 1st c. BCE; though as survived epitomized in Justinus of the 2nd c. CE:
| [2] Contra Delphi plus in deo quam in viribus deputantes cum contemptu hostium resistebant scandentesque Gallos e summo montis vertice partim saxo, partim armis obruebant. [3] In hoc partium certamine repente universorum templorum antistites, simul et ipsae vates sparsis crinibus cum insignibus atque infulis pavidi vecordesque in primam pugnantium aciem procurrunt. [4] Advenisse deum clamant, eumque se vidisse desilientem in templum per culminis aperta fastigia, [5] dum omnes opem dei suppliciter inplorant, iuvenem supra humanum modum insignis pulchritudinis; comitesque ei duas armatas virgines ex propinquis duabus Dianae Minervaeque aedibus occurrisse; [6] nec oculis tantum haec se perspexisse, audisse etiam stridorem arcus ac strepitum armorum. [7] Proinde ne cunctarentur diis antesignanis hostem caedere et victoriae deorum socios se adiungere summis obsecrationibus monebant. [8] Quibus vocibus incensi omnes certatim in proelium prosiliunt. [9] Praesentiam dei et ipsi statim sensere, nam et terrae motu portio montis abrupta Gallorum stravit exercitum et confertissimi cunei non sine vulneribus hostium dissipati ruebant. [10] Insecuta deinde tempestas est, quae grandine et frigore saucios ex vulneribus absumpsit. |
On the contrary, Delphians counting more on god than on strength,
they resisted with contempt for the enemies; and from the highest
top of the mountain, partly with stone, partly with arms,
overpowered the climbing Gauls. In this sided creeping fight, the
high priests of all temples, and simultaneously the oracle herself,
with loose hair and with remarkable ribbons, rush, trembling and
insane, into the first battle-line of the fights. They cry out that
god have arrived and that have seen him themselves dismounting in
the temple through the open top of the roof, while all are imploring
suppliantly the assistance of the god; [=] a youth of extraordinary
beauty beyond human measure; and [they cry out] that two armed
virgins have come as companions to him, from two neighboring temples
of Diana and Minerva; and that they have perceived them not only
with eyes, but have heard the sound of a bow and the noise of arms.
Hence they warned [the people] with the highest entreaties not to
delay to kill the enemy, while gods leading, and to join allied the
victory of the gods. and excited by these words, they all jumped in
battle eagerly. They felt themselves the presence of god at once,
since a part of the mountain, broken by land movement, have
overwhelmed the army of the Gauls; and crowded troops of the
enemies, not without wounds, fell scattered. A tempest then
followed, which killed, with hail and cold, the wounded by
injuries. |
It gives a feeling that this god's help was more an encouragement by the priests to the soldiers so to fight with more confidence; though the divine hand seems being restricted to a storm and some ground shaking.
In any case Pausanias' narration appeared afterwards. The aforementioned accounts of the battle before him [with the exception of the Cos inscription; text 05] seem coming from the Roman mainland; even Greek Diodorus was from Sicily [texts 06-09]. And all are since the 1st c. BCE ca; ie. after 146 BCE, the year of the battle of Corinth, when Rome started dominating on Greece. Comparing them with Pausanias, they look like preferring the two virgins, Athena & Artemis, instead of Apollo, as the revenging deities. Athena [=Minerva] had a shrine, too, in the area; while Artemis [=Diana] was Apollo's twin sister according to mythology.
• Maybe it's an indication that the above texts of the Roman group [texts 06-09] are reproducing a rumor; cause, though Artemis was worshipped evidently at Delphi, there's no recorded temple in the area of Delphi. At least I couldn't track any relevant mention, either in Pausanias or Strabo; or anywhere else.
Besides these, the weather miracle is looking more like a heavy snowy storm, without mentioning thunders and lightnings, that Pausanias described. And there's no Panic [something to be analyzed afterwards].
• Along with Pausanias seems to come his contemporary Appian [App. Ill. 1.4], who however probably had confused facts and timing. In any case, around a Celtic invasion against Delphi, he mentions only Apollo, thunders and maybe there's an implication of some kind of madness. But he also involves the Illyrian people of Autariatae.
Thunderbolts as a gods' weapon can be seen since Homer; especially by Zeus [8th c. BCE; eg. Hom.Il. 8.75]. But in Pausanias is probably an echo, at least, from Herodotus' history. Herodotus, narrating events after the 1st famous battle of Thermopylae between Greeks and Persians in 480 BCE, writes about another attempt by Persian Xerxes to sack Delphi. Of course the oracle managed to push the enemy back; strangely enough with thunders and earthquakes, while also Athena appeared.
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[36.1] οἱ Δελφοὶ δὲ πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα ἐς πᾶσαν ἀρρωδίην ἀπίκατο,
ἐν δείματι δὲ μεγάλῳ κατεστεῶτες ἐμαντεύοντο περὶ τῶν ἱρῶν χρημάτων,
εἴτε σφέα κατὰ γῆς κατορύξωσι εἴτε ἐκκομίσωσι ἐς ἄλλην χώρην. ὁ δὲ
θεός σφεας οὐκ ἔα κινέειν, φὰς αὐτὸς ἱκανὸς εἶναι τῶν ἑωυτοῦ
προκατῆσθαι. [2] Δελφοὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες σφέων αὐτῶν πέρι
ἐφρόντιζον. τέκνα μέν νυν καὶ γυναῖκας πέρην ἐς τὴν Ἀχαιίην
διέπεμψαν, αὐτῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι ἀνέβησαν ἐς τοῦ Παρνησοῦ τὰς
κορυφὰς καὶ ἐς τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον ἀνηνείκαντο, οἳ δὲ ἐς Ἄμφισσαν τὴν
Λοκρίδα ὑπεξῆλθον. πάντες δὲ ὦν οἱ Δελφοὶ ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλιν, πλὴν
ἑξήκοντα ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ προφήτεω. [37.1] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἦσαν οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιόντες καὶ ἀπώρων τὸ ἱρόν, ἐν τούτῳ ὁ προφήτης, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Ἀκήρατος, ὁρᾷ πρὸ τοῦ νηοῦ ὅπλα προκείμενα ἔσωθεν ἐκ τοῦ μεγάρου ἐξενηνειγμένα ἱρά, τῶν οὐκ ὅσιον ἦν ἅπτεσθαι ἀνθρώπων οὐδενί. [2] ὃ μὲν δὴ ἤιε Δελφῶν τοῖσι παρεοῦσι σημανέων τὸ τέρας: οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἐπειδὴ ἐγίνοντο ἐπειγόμενοι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προναίης Ἀθηναίης, ἐπιγίνεταί σφι τέρεα ἔτι μέζονα τοῦ πρὶν γενομένου τέρεος. θῶμα μὲν γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο κάρτα ἐστί, ὅπλα ἀρήια αὐτόματα φανῆναι ἔξω προκείμενα τοῦ νηοῦ: τὰ δὲ δὴ ἐπὶ τούτῳ δεύτερα ἐπιγενόμενα καὶ διὰ πάντων φασμάτων ἄξια θωμάσαι μάλιστα. [3] ἐπεὶ γὰρ δὴ ἦσαν ἐπιόντες οἱ βάρβαροι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προναίης Ἀθηναίης, ἐν τούτῳ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ κεραυνοὶ αὐτοῖσι ἐνέπιπτον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Παρνησοῦ ἀπορραγεῖσαι δύο κορυφαὶ ἐφέροντο πολλῷ πατάγῳ ἐς αὐτοὺς καὶ κατέβαλον συχνούς σφεων, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς Προναίης βοή τε καὶ ἀλαλαγμὸς ἐγίνετο. [38] συμμιγέντων δὲ τούτων πάντων, φόβος τοῖσι βαρβάροισι ἐνεπεπτώκεε. μαθόντες δὲ οἱ Δελφοὶ φεύγοντας σφέας, ἐπικαταβάντες ἀπέκτειναν πλῆθός τι αὐτῶν. οἱ δὲ περιεόντες ἰθὺ Βοιωτῶν ἔφευγον. ἔλεγον δὲ οἱ ἀπονοστήσαντες οὗτοι τῶν βαρβάρων, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, ὡς πρὸς τούτοισι καὶ ἄλλα ὥρων θεῖα: δύο γὰρ ὁπλίτας μέζονας ἢ κατ᾽ ἀνθρώπων φύσιν ἔχοντας ἕπεσθαί σφι κτείνοντας καὶ διώκοντας. [39.1] τούτους δὲ τοὺς δύο Δελφοὶ λέγουσι εἶναι ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας, Φύλακόν τε καὶ Αὐτόνοον, τῶν τὰ τεμένεα ἐστὶ περὶ τὸ ἱρόν... |
[36] And when the Delphians learned these, they were very much
terrified, and in great fear they asked for an oracle around the
sacred money, if either they should bury them, or they should take
it to another country. And the god didn't allow them to move
[anything], saying that himself was capable to defend his things.
And the Delphians, after hearing these, thought on them. And they
sent the children and women overseas to Achaia. And most of them
went up to the peaks of Parnassus and entered into the Corycian
cave, and the rest they escaped to Amphissa in Locris. So, all the
Delphians left the town, except sixty men and the prophet. [37] And when the barbarians reached near and looked upon the shrine, there the prophet, whose name was Aceratus, saw before the temple sacred weapons lying inside, brought out of the chamber, that it's not holy to be touched by men. And so he went to tell about this sign to the nearby Delphians; and when the barbarians moved in hurry towards the shrine of Athena Pronaia, occurred to them wonders even greater than the aforementioned. cause it's indeed a miracle this: war weapons appearing automatically, lying outside the temple; but the ones that came second, are worthy to admire the most of all the apparitions. cause when the barbarians reached at the shrine of Athena Pronaia, there thunderbolts were falling upon them from the sky, and two peaks, broken off from Parnassus, came with great crash upon them and overwhelmed many of them, and from the shrine of Pronaia came loud noise and cry. [38] and by all these combined, terror fell upon the barbarians. And the Delphians realizing that they were leaving, killed descending a great number of them. And the survivors fled straight to the land of Boeoteans. and these of the barbarians who returned were saying, as I hear, that they saw and other divine things besides the aforementioned: that two armed men, being greater than human in nature, followed them, killing and hunting. [39] And the Delphians say that these are local heroes, Pylacus and Autonous, whose sacred precincts are near the shrine... |
So these thunderbolts seem originated in another divine defense of the oracle of Delphi; about 200 years before our battle. And it's noticeable that Trogus, though he doesn't say something about thunders for the attack of 279 BCE [text 09], he does mention it when writing briefly for the legendary assault of 480 BCE [Jus. 2.12: "imbribus et fulminibus"]. Similarly does Diodorus, who avoids the lightning effect for 279 BCE [text 06], but describes it for 480 BCE [Diod. 11.14.3]. Possibly there is some purpose of differentiation; or maybe they just used other sources for the attack of 279 BCE.
Pausanias is altering the story in another way. He omits the involvement of Athena, while he gives a different aspect of the fear as we'll see and below. It generally seems that both the Roman & Greek groups of the ancient historians of the battle of 279 BCE, are trying to make it seem unique in comparison with the similar legend of 480 BCE; just in a different way.
The historicity of this ancient attack of 480 BCE has been criticized by the modern historians; and quite reasonably [Macan [1908], Casson [1914]].
• Suffice it to repeat briefly here: (i) 9 out of the 12 cities of the league [Delphic amphictyony], that was controlling and protecting the oracle, had already surrendered to Xerxes and to Persians without fight [comb. Hdt. 7.132 & Aeschin. 2 116]. (ii) there's a later implication in Herodotus [9.42] where Persian general Mardonius seems taking for granted that Persian army hadn't attacked to the oracle of Delphi. (iii) in another similar situation Persian general Datis spared the sacred Greek island of Delos [Hdt. 6.97].
Generally this divine defense of the oracle in 480 BCE, has been considered as fiction by modern scholars, aiming to save the Delphic oracle of a following treachery accusation [Medism], that would damage its reputation. But one can't be sure that it was believed either by the ancient people, as there're indications for the opposite. For instance, during the 3rd sacred war [356–346 BCE] it's narrated a battle & disrespectful sacking of the oracle by the Phocaeans [eg. Diod. 16.24], which was actually the reason of their exit of the Delphic amphictyony; a right that was regained cause of their participation in the battle of 279 BCE. No god interfered then.
But if there was a political reason for the fictional 'divine hand' for 480 BCE, why it was repeated for 279 BCE? As then it was certain that a battle occurred. A good number of ancient historiographers describe it, either with or without gods; and if a result is mentioned, that is a greek victory.
I could only think of three possible reasons:
(i) Aetoleans & Phocaeans tried to create a legend, so to give to their victory such an importance that would also remind the legendary Persian wars
(ii) The oracle tried to regain its 'divine power' after events like the ones of the 3rd sacred war
(iii) Either the oracle or the Greek defenders were trying to cover something else
The first two are quite reasonable; but, though one can find motive's indications for both in history, there's no solid proof. The third it's just a basket for the rest. Here could be counted a possible defeat or settlement. But historic reading says the opposite. And in any case Gauls didn't stay at Delphi as they did in Thrace or Asia minor; thus obviously they were pushed back.
One other thing that it would be preferred to be covered is the way of victory; especially as the troop numbers were against the Greeks.
Even if I consider certainly more possible a combination of the two first reasons, the following could fit in the third; as a weapon not meant to be revealed, the Panic.
c. The Panic
Pausanias [text 04] speaks of a Panic, a divine terror that caused illusions to the Gauls in 279 BCE. It's really noticeable his try to differentiate it from the fear described by Herodotus [test 11] for the more ancient battle of 480 BCE. In Pausanias the terrors & the following illusions had no obvious reason, thus were attributed to god Pan [=Panic]. In Herodotus there was a fear that was caused by the miracles the enemies experienced. The Roman group of historiographers says nothing about this Panic.
So what was it? An explanation could be found in Trogus:
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6 Prima namque opinione adventus Gallorum prohibiti agrestes
oraculis feruntur messes vinaque villis efferre. 7 Cuius rei
salutare praeceptum non prius intellectum est, quam vini
ceterarumque copiarum abundantia velut mora Gallis obiecta auxilia
finitimorum convenere... 1 Hac adseveratione incitati Galli, simul et hesterno mero saucii, sine respectu periculorum in bellum ruebant. |
At the first report of the arrival of the Gauls the countrymen are
said to be forbidden by the oracles to take out from the houses
[=farms] the wines and the harvests. It wasn't understood at first
for what thing the order was useful, and how the abundance of wine
and the rest supplies, like a delay offered to Gauls, have brought
together assistance from neighbours... The Gauls, urged by this assertion, and at the same time ill by yesterday's wine, rushed in war without consideration of the risks. |
Had the Delphians poured something in the wine that left behind? Some substance given by the oracle's priests? Trogus speaks just of illness. Only Pausanias mentions Panic with illusions, but no wine. Or does he?
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| The Galatian Suicide, Roman statue of the 2nd c. CE, part of the Boncompagni Ludovisi Collection in National Roman Museum in Rome. Possibly a copy of an Hellenistic original of 230 BCE ca, made for Attalus I's victories over Gauls in Asia minor. [from museonazionaleromano & wikicommons] |
After the Gaulish defeat Pausanias is narrating the suicide of leader Brennus.
| τῷ δὲ Βρέννῳ κατὰ μὲν τὰ τραύματα ἐλείπετο ἔτι σωτηρίας ἐλπίς: τῶν δὲ πολιτῶν φόβῳ φασὶν αὐτὸν καὶ τῇ αἰδοῖ πλέον, ἅτε τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι κακῶν αἴτιον, ἑκουσίως ἀφεῖναι τὴν ψυχὴν ἀκράτου πίνοντα τοῦ οἴνου. | There was still hope of saving for Brennus, regarding his wounds; but they say that, cause of the fear for his people and more cause of shame, as responsible for the evils in Greece, he let his soul go willingly drinking neat wine. |
The above passage has been interpreted as Brennus committing suicide by drinking wine [at least I've read it in few articles]. This isn't accurate. As Pausanias wrote it, he lets us understand that he died by his wounds, and by drinking neat wine he decided not to fight for his life anymore, succumbing to his injuries and letting his soul go. Trogus seems to agree:
| Dux ipse Brennus cum dolorem vulnerum ferre non posset, pugione vitam finivit. | King Brennus, cause he couldn't bear the pain of the wounds, ended his life with a dagger. |
While intermediately Diodorus writes:
| Βρέννος δὲ ἄκρατον πολὺν ἐμφορησάμενος ἑαυτὸν ἀπέσφαξε | Brennus filled with much neat [wine], slew himself |
It seems that this neat wine allowed Brennus' mind to accept death, while he could be saved; a kind of madness.
I can't know how strong was the wine that ancient Greeks were making, but they used to mix it with more water, believing that it was more gentle [you can see examples in Ath. 2.1-7] Neat [unmixed] wine was considered that could bring even mania, a madness with characteristics of rage [see & Hdt. 6.84]. To get a clue, here is what Mnesitheus, a Greek physician of the 4th c. BCE, was writing [as reproduced in Athenaeus]:
| ἐν ταῖς συνουσίαις τε ταῖς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν τοῖς μὲν μέτριον πίνουσι καὶ κεκραμένον εὐθυμίαν: ἐὰν δ᾽ ὑπερβάλῃς, ὕβριν: ἐὰν δ᾽ ἴσον ἴσῳ προσφέρῃ, μανίαν ποιεῖ: ἐὰν δ᾽ ἄκρατον, παράλυσιν τῶν σωμάτων. | in the every-day intercourses [wine] brings cheerfulness to those who drink it moderate and watered; but if you pour more [wine than the moderate, it brings] violent audacity; if it's offered half to half, [brings] mania [=madness]; and if unwatered [brings] paralysis of the bodies. |
This mania/madness has been used and other times around wine effects. And it's really interesting that it had also been connected with the prophetic hallucinations. Euripedes speaking on Dionysus, the wine-god, wrote in a tragedy of the 5th c. BCE:
| μάντις δ᾽ ὁ δαίμων ὅδε: τὸ γὰρ βακχεύσιμον καὶ τὸ μανιῶδες μαντικὴν πολλὴν ἔχει: | and this god [=Dionysus/Bacchus] is a prophet; cause what is related to Bacchus and to mania has inside a lot of prophetic art. |
But also Pausanias used the word 'mania', when describing our crucial battle [text 04], as a simultaneous result of/with the Panic fear, that the Gauls felt. And this led to illusions and violence, slaying in the end each other. Panic is a word expressing fear and terror, and is derived by the name of god Pan; an inferior deity, possibly an ancient one from Arcadia, protector of shepherds, wilds and agricultural life.
He was born with horns and goat-feet, possibly fully developed, noisy and sweet-laughing. From the beginnings, he was loved by Dionysus, the god of wine, and Pan became a follower in parties and drinking [HH 19 & Hdt. 2.46 & 145]; and usually his form & shape can be compared with the Dionysus' Satyrs. Till the 2nd c. CE he was surely fully attached to wine and its god [comp. Luc. Bacch. 6 & Paus. 2.24.6].
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| God Pan with a flute and grapes, Roman copy of 2nd c. CE, in Louvre Museum |
There's no certainty on how the word Panic was exactly born; on which story was based. Regarding some fear that the god might have caused, of the more ancient tales is the Homeric hymn for Pan [HH19, possibly of 6th-5th c. BCE], where it's said that his mother was scared and left him just right after his birth cause of his looks.
So in Pausanias we have a wine-deity, Pan, who causes terror and mania to the enemies, and in the end illusions; a mania that fits with wine. While earlier in Trogus we have some wine left behind on purpose, so to delay the Gauls. The storm came afterwards...
What to say... the implication seemed to me really intense
A try to cover the use of some kind of chemical weapons!?
Or on the contrary a way to underline the use of such substances so to justify a victory despite the numbers?!
Maybe Trogus' description about leaving the supplies behind, combined with Pausanias' narration, is just one somehow connection with the Gauls' reputation as wine drinkers, that had already taken a legendary form....
• More specifically, regarding the Celtic invasion in Rome, one somehow funny story occurs. The reason of the Gauls' attack to the Romans previously in 380 BCE ca, that some ancient sources presented, was some edible products, especially wine; that the Gauls had probably tasted and liked! Livy [Liv. 5.33] mentions fruit and wine, while Pliny [Plin. Nat. 12.2] dried figs, grapes, oil & wine! On wine he actually writes, some pages ahead, that of the about 80 kinds of it, the two thirds were coming from Italy at the time [Plin. Nat. 14.28]!
Unless it was just a way to make fun of Brennus and his army...
references or for further reading:
- Anastassov, Jordan [2011], The Celtic presence in Thrace during the 3rd century BC in the light of new archaeological data, in M. Guštin, M. Jevtić (Eds), The Eastern Celts. The Communities between the Alps and the Black See, 2011, 227-239
- Casson, S. [1914], The Persian Expedition to Delphi, in The Classical Review Vol. 28, No. 5 (Aug., 1914), pp. 145-151
- Champion, Craige [1996], Polybius, Aetolia and the Gallic Attack on Delphi (279 B.C.), in Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, Bd. 45, H. 3 (3rd Qtr., 1996), pp. 315-328
- Emilov, Julij [2015], Celts, in A Companion to Ancient Thrace, (eds.) J. Valeva, Em. Nankov, D. Graninger, 2015, pp. 366-381
- Erdkamp, Paul [2008], Polybius 24: Roman manpower and Greek propaganda, in Ancient Society, Vol. 38 (2008), pp. 137-152
- Freeman, Philip M. [1996], The earliest Greek sources on the Celts, in Études celtiques, 32/1996, pp. 11-48
- Freeman, Philip M. [2006], 'Greek and Roman accounts of the ancient Celts, in Celtic Culture, a Historical encyclopedia, [5 vols], 2006, pp. 844-851
- Mac Gonagle, Brendan [2014], The Celts in Central Thrace
- Mac Gonagle, Brendan, On The Celtic Conquest of Thrace and Macedonia (280/279 BC)
- Goudineau, Christian & Thollard, Patrick [2009], L’or de Toulouse, in Aquitania 25/2009, pp. 49-74
- Guštin, Mitja [2006], 'Adriatic region, Celts in the', in Celtic Culture, a Historical encyclopedia, [5 vols], 2006, pp. 13-14
- Guštin, Mitja [2006], 'Balkans, Celts in the', in Celtic Culture, a Historical encyclopedia, [5 vols], 2006, pp. 155-158
- Kavur, Boris & Kavur, Martina Blečić [2018], Celts on Their Way to the South – Once Again Discussing Some Finds from the Balkans, in A. Jakimovski (ed.). Folia Archaeologica Balcanika In Honorem Prof. Viktor Lilčić Adams, Vol. 4, 2018, pp. 149-168
- Koch, John T. [2006], 'Alexander the Great, Alexander III of Macedonia', in Celtic Culture, a Historical encyclopedia, [5 vols], 2006, pp. 41-42
- Konteos, Theodoros [1971], Big Dictionary of Verbs [=Μέγα Λεξικόν Ρημάτων], 3vols, 1971
- Kruta, Venceslas [1978], Celtes de Cispadane et Transalpins aux IVe et IIIe siècles avant notre ere: données archéologiques, in Studi Etruschi XLVI – 1978 p. 149-174
- Macan, Reginald Walter [1908]: Herodotus: The Seventh, Eighth, & Ninth Books, vol 2, 1908, 'The Case of Delphi' pp. 229-237
- Mócsy, András, [2014], Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 2014
- Nachtergael, Georges [1977], Les Galates en Grèce et les Sôtéria de Delphes: recherches d'histoire et d'épigraphie hellénistiques, 1977
- Ó hÓgáin, Daithi [2003], The Celts: A History, 2003
- Petridou, Georgia [2015], Divine Epiphany in Greek Literature and Culture, 2015
- Sherwin-White, Susan [1978], Ancient Cos, An historical study from the Dorian settlement to the Imperial period, 1978
- Sotiriadis, Georges [1907], Issues of Aetolian history and topography [=Ζητήματα Αιτωλικής ιστορίας και τοπογραφίας], in Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, 31/1907, pp. 270-320
ancient sources:
- Aeschin: Aeschines [389 – 314 BCE], Athenian statesman and orator
- App: Appian [95 – 165 CE ca], Greek historian with Roman citizenship from Alexandria. He wrote on Roman wars, civil & foreign
- Arr: Arrian [86/89 – 160 CE ca], Greek historian. One of his works was The Anabasis of Alexander, which is considered of the best sources for the life and deeds of Alexander the Great
- Ath: Athenaeus [2nd-3rd c. CE ca], Greek grammarian. His Deipnosophistae is a partly historical work
- Caes: Julius Caesar [100 – 44 BCE], the renown Roman general, who inter alia was the author of the Commentarii de Bello Gallico, on the Roman-Gallic wars
- Call: Callimachus [310 – 240 BCE ca], Greek poet
- Cass: Lucius Cassius Dio [155 – 235 CE ca], Roman historian. He wrote on the history of ancient Rome in greek
- Cic: Cicero [106- 43 BCE], Roman statesman, lawyer, scholar
- Diod: Diodorus Siculus [1st c BCE), Greek historian. His work Bibliotheca historica is of the most important of the period
- D.L.: Diogenes Laertius [3rd c. CE], Greek biographer who wrote the Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers
- Eur: Euripides [480 – 406 BCE], Athenian tragic poet
- Hdt: Herodotus [484 – 425 BCE], Greek of Halicarnassus, author of the monumental work Histories, narrating the Greco-Persian wars
- HH: Homeric Hymns, poems written in the same meter as the Homer's epics, and thus attributed at first to him, but spuriously. The oldest is dated in the 7th c. BCE
- Hom: Homer, the famous epic poet of the 8th c. BCE
- Jus: Justinus [2nd c. CE], latin author of an epitome of the big historic work Liber Historiarum Philippicarum, or Philippic Histories. The latter being written by Gallo-Roman Gnaeus Pompeius Trogus [1st c BCE], whose complete work didn't survive.
- Liv: Livy (Titus Livius) [64/59 BCE - 12/17 CE ca], Roman historian who wrote the Ab Urbe Condita, a monumental Roman history
- Luc: Lucian of Samosata [125 – 180 CE ca], Greek satirist & rhetorician
- LAmp: Lucius Ampelius, the author of Liber Memorialis; a historic work in latin possibly of the 3rd c. CE
- Mem: Memnon of Heraclea [1st c. CE], Greek historian whose work survived only in fragments
- VMax: Valerius Maximus [1st c. CE], Latin author of a collection of historical anecdotes under the title Factorum ac dictorum memorabilium libri IX. His work survived but was also published as an epitome. One was written by some Julius Paris in 4th c CE ca; one other by Januarius Nepotianus in 5th c CE ca
- Paus: Pausanias [110 - 180 CE ca], Greek geographer. He wrote the important Description of Greece [Ἑλλάδος Περιήγησις, Hellados Periegesis]
- Plb: Polybius [200 – 118 BCE ca], Greek historian who wrote The Histories [history mainly of the period 264–146 BCE]
- Plin: Pliny the Elder [23 – 79 CE], Roman philosopher, best known for his Naturalis Historia
- Plut: Plutarch [46 – 119 CE ca], Greek philosopher, historian & biographer. Inter alia he wrote the famous Parallel Lives & Moralia
- Pol: Polyaenus [2nd c. CE ca], Macedonian, author of a war-history work under the title Strategemata
- Prop: Sextus Propertius [1st c BCE], Latin poet
- Sen: Seneca (the Younger) [4 BCE – 65 CE ca], Roman Stoic philosopher & dramatist, who however wrote also the Naturales quaestiones; an encyclopedia of the natural world
- Str: Strabo [64 BCE - 24 CE ca], important Greek geographer & historian. One of his works is Geographica
- Xen: Xenophon of Athens [430 - 354 BCE ca], Athenian military leader and historian. Inter alia he wrote Hellenica, a work on the greek history during 411 - 362 BCE
- Theo: Theopompus [380 – 315 BCE ca), Greek historian. Only fragments of his work survived
All photos are presenting objects in public domain
Translations of ancient Greek & Latin sources are all mine with an intention of making them more accurate, while the ancient texts were found & crosschecked, inter alia, via the following links:
- http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/
- http://www.poesialatina.it/
- https://www.thelatinlibrary.com/
- https://el.wikisource.org/
- http://attalus.org/
- https://en.wiktionary.org/ for Latin vocabulary
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