A legendary action of heroism during the Siege of Saguntum in 219 BCE, as sculpted by Agustín Querol
The statue complex under the name 'Sagunto' was created by Agustín Querol y Subirats in 1888, and now it's housed in the rooms of the Prado Museum, Madrid [ESP].
According to the spanish version of the museum's website, a replica of the statue was commissioned already in 1906 for the Carlos Thays botanical garden of Buenos Aires [ARG]. And it should be this that can be seen in numerous images in web, presenting the statue in some garden.
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| fig.01: The statue complex 'Sagunto' by Agustín Querol y Subirats, 1888. As seen in the Prado museum |
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| fig.02: Three shots from different angles of the statue complex 'Sagunto' by Agustín Querol y Subirats, 1888. Prado museum, Madrid. Part of a video uploaded by Karl S in https://www.flickr.com/photos/c0ckr0ach/4434784269/ |
The story...
In 219 BCE Hannibal, the Carthaginean general and statesman, besieged the city of Saguntum [Ζάκανθα] in Spain. The siege was said to last about 8 months [Plb. 3.17], though this length had been questioned as possibly long by Roman historian Livy [Liv. 21.15.3ff]. In any case Hannibal prevailed. And this defeat already since antiquity was regarded as one of the main causes for the 2nd Punic War that followed [eg. Plb. 3.6 & 3.30, Cic. Phil. 5.10.27].
The main historic sources of this incident should be considered Greek Polybius of the 2nd c. BCE [Plb] as the earliest surviving, then Roman Livy of the 1st c. BCE, being the most detailed in some parts, & finally Greek Appian of the 2nd c. CE [App]. But the story can be traced in other ancients texts, too, like the ones of Cicero [Cic], Diodorus Siculus [Diod], even in poetry like the epic Punica of Silius Italicus of the 1st c. CE [Sil]... and others.
Some brief background
The 1st Punic War ended in 241 BCE with a Roman victory against the Carthagineans. In the following so-called treaty of Lutatius, inter alia it was agreed the safety of the allies of each side [Plb. 3.27.3]; a term that would involve Saguntum as a Rome's friend. After this defeat a mutiny of some of the Carthage's troops followed, that was suppressed [238 BCE ca]. However it gave the chance to the Romans to interfere in the island of Sardinia, which till then was under Punic control [Plb. 1.88]; an incident that wouldn't be forgotten [cf. Plb. 3.10 & .13]. During the following years, Carthage tried to expand its control in the Iberian peninsula from the south. However in 226 BCE ca Hasdrubal agreed with Rome that the Carthagineans wouldn't pass the Ebro river [the so-called Ebro treaty; Plb. 3.27]; Appian presented this term reasonably as a mutual obligation [App. Hisp. 2.7].
Saguntum and its siege
Saguntum was a wealthy city situated south of Ebro river ['Iber' in ancient texts] and about a mile from the sea. And it was regarded as an ally of the Romans, even before Hannibal's rise to power in 221 BCE [Plb. 3.30 & Liv. 21.6].
Livy [Liv. 21.7] informs us that the city was said to be founded by settlers from the greek island of Zacynthos, then mixed with a group of Rutuli from Ardea of Italy. Regarding the ancient sources, this approach of the 'Zacynthos-origin' was more or less followed by Strabo [Strb. 3.4.6], Pliny the Elder [Plin. Nat. 16.216] and Appian [App. Hisp. 2.7]. Though it's unclear how true this is, it surely could justify the city's name as appears in most of the greek accounts [Ζάκανθα-Zacantha from Ζάκυνθος-Zacynthos].
Hannibal till the end of 220 BCE had prevailed over all the territories south of Ebro river, except Saguntum [Plb. 3.14.9, Liv. 21.5.17]. The Saguntines, feeling the pressure and seeing the war coming, were continuously senting ambassadors to their allies in Rome asking for help, but the Romans were delaying to react [Plb. 3.15.1ff, Liv. 21.6.2ff, App. Hisp. 2.11]. Finally Rome decided that an embassy should visit the Carthagineans in order to prevent a possible warfare [Plb. 3.15.3ff, Liv. 21.9.3-4, Liv. 21.10ff, App. Hisp. 2.11]. Sources seem to disagree in the details; exactly when the Rome's deputation left and visit their enemies, where did they meet etc. However all agree about the outcome: failure.
According to Livy, no envoy had departed from Rome before the news of the siege had already come there. And on this it has survived a historic saying [Liv. 21.7.1]: "Dum ea Romani parant consultantque, iam Saguntum summa ui oppugnabatur" [='while the Romans are arranging these and consulting, Saguntum was already being besieged with the greatest force'].
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| fig.03: The siege of Saguntum in BNF fr. 274, f. 6r, 15th c.: Medieval French translation of Livy's history by Pierre Bercheure |
Nevertheless the siege started. And as it's already said, Polybius wrote that it lasted about 8 months [Plb. 3.17], while Livy questioned this claimed length [Liv. 21.15.3], who nevertheless is giving the most detailed historic account of these battles & war deeds [Liv. 21.7.1ff]. The Saguntines resisted hard, but in the end the city fell [Plb. 3.17.9ff, Liv. 21.14-15, App. Hisp. 2.12].
An interesting reference by Livy [Liv. 21.8.10-12] is the use of a kind of javelin by the defending Saguntines, called phalarica [or falarica]. It seems to have a wooden shaft and a pointed iron head. The head was 3 feet long [1 m] and could be set on fire. It's unclear from this excerpt how this javelin was thrown, but probably a machine would be needed. The poet Silius is also mentioning it, as being used by the besieged in Saguntum [Sil.Pun. 1.351].
Saguntines' heroism
Somehow different views can be traced in the ancient sources regarding the Saguntines' heroic reactions in front of the forthcoming capture of their city. With the exception of Polybius, who didn't give some similar scene, the rest could be divided into two traditions, a greek and a roman. I'll try to give them in a possible chronological order.
a. Polybius, Greek, 2nd c. BCE
The earliest surviving source, Polybius, says nothing around the relevant heroic events. He's only mentioning that the city fell and Hannibal took a great amount of booty and slaves [Plb. 3.17.9-10].
b. Diodorus Siculus, Greek, 1st c. BCE
More possibly the earliest passage where the Saguntines' heroism is described. Probably written before Livy, but unfortunately surviving as an excerpt in Hoeschel collection (Exc. Hoesch. pp. 511-512 W.)...
| Ζακανθαίων δὲ ἡ πόλις πολιορκουμένη ὑπὸ Ἀννίβα, συναγαγόντες τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον τὸν ἐν τοῖς οἴκοις καὶ τὰ τῶν γυναικῶν κόσμια καὶ ἐνώτια καὶ ἀργύρια, χωνεύσαντες ἔμιξαν χαλκὸν καὶ μόλιβδον, καὶ ἄχρηστον ποιήσαντες τὸν χρυσὸν ἐξῆλθον, καὶ ἡρωικῶς ἀγωνισάμενοι πάντες κατεκόπησαν, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ φονεύσαντες. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες τὰ τέκνα φονεύσασαι ἑαυτὰς δι' ἀγχόνης ἀπέπνιξαν. οὕτως ἀκερδῆ τὴν πόλιν παρέλαβεν Ἀννίβας. | While the city of the Saguntines [Zacanthaioi] was besieged by Hannibal, they [Saguntines] after collecting the sacred objects and the gold and the silver, the private one, and the women's ornaments and the earrings and the silver pieces, they mixed them with copper and lead-metal after having melted them. And making the gold useless they sallied out. And fighting like heroes they all were cut down [slaughtered], but they themselves also killed many. And the women, after killing the children, hanged themselves. So Hannibal took the city without profit. |
Here Saguntines, after destroying the possible loot with fire, they died fighting. While the women killed their children and committed suicide.
c. Livy, Roman, 1st c. BCE
When at some point the Carthagineans managed to take a part of Saguntum's citadel, Livy is reproducing a speech by Alorcus to the Saguntines. He was a Spaniard representing Carthage and talked in front of the Saguntum's senate, after the gathering crowd was sent away [Liv. 21 12.8]. He proposed to the besieged to surrender; and regarding the terms inter alia he said that Hannibal would take the whole city, but would leave the lands-fields around to the Saguntines [Liv. 21.13.6]. Instead he would designate another location to them for a new town. On hearing these...
| [14.1] ad haec audienda cum circumfusa paulatim multitudine permixtum senatui esset populi concilium, repente primores secessione facta priusquam responsum daretur, argentum aurumque omne ex publico privatoque in forum conlatum in ignem ad id raptim factum conicientes eodem plerique semet ipsi praecipitaverunt | [14.1] On the hearing of these, and while the people's gathering was being mixed with the senate by a gradually crowded mob, suddenly the first [:senate] withdrew before an answer was given. And, after having brought all the public and private silver and gold in the market-place, they threw it into a fire that was wade hastily for this cause. And many threw themselves into the same fire... |
| ... | panic followed... |
| [.3] totis viribus adgressus urbem momento cepit, signo dato ut omnes puberes interficerentur. Quod imperium crudele, ceterum prope necessarium cognitum ipso eventu est; [4] cui enim parci potuit ex iis qui aut inclusi cum coniugibus ac liberis domos super se ipsos concremaverunt aut armati nullum ante finem pugnae quam morientes fecerunt? | [.3] ... [and Hannibal], advancing with all the forces, captured the city in a moment, giving the order that all adults should be killed. Which is a cruel order, moreover almost inevitable indicated by this very event: [4] for who could be spared of these who either have burned up their houses above themselves, confined with wives and children, or armed they haven't stopped the battle before dying? |
So in Livy the treasures again were destroyed by fire. Nevertheless, this fire became also their suicide's means. While there's no distinction among men, women and children.
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| fig.04: Saguntines setting fire in their city, in BNF fr. 364, f. 113r, 15th c.: Medieval French translation of Romuleon, a medieval narrative that adapted the story |
d. Valerius Maximus, Roman, 1st c. CE
And when Saguntines couldn't hold Hannibal's attack...
| ... collatis in forum quae unicuique erant carissima atque undique circumdatis accensisque ignis nutrimentis, ne a societate nostra desciscerent, publico et communi rogo semet ipsi superiecerunt. | ... after having brought in the market-place the dearest [things] that each had, and having completely surrounded and kindled them with firelighters [firewood], they [Saguntines] threw themselves into this common and public fire, so that they don't break our alliance. |
Maximus seems following Livy's tradition. While it's at least implied some loyalty that Saguntines showed to Rome.
e. Lucius Annaeus Florus, Roman, 1st-2nd c. CE
| [6] Saguntini interim iam novem mensibus fessi fame machinis ferro, versa denique in rabiem fide inmanem in foro excitant rogum, tum desuper se suosque cum omnibus opibus suis ferro et igne corrumpunt. | [6] Meanwhile the Saguntines, exhausted already for nine months by the hunger, the [war] machines, the sword, when finally their faith turned into rage, they raised a huge fire at the market-place. And then on it, they destroyed themselves, their families with all their belongings, with fire and sword. |
Florus seems also following Livy's tradition. However, there's an addition to the suicide's weapons; the sword [ferrum].
f. Appian, Greek, 2nd c. CE
| Ζακανθαῖοι δέ... τὸν μὲν χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον, ὅσος ἦν δημόσιός τε καὶ ἰδιωτικός, ἀπὸ κηρύγματος ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν συνήνεγκαν, καὶ μολύβδῳ καὶ χαλκῷ συνεχώνευσαν ὡς ἀχρεῖον Ἀννίβᾳ γενέσθαι... | And the Saguntines, following a decree, brought into the market-place the gold and the silver, all that was public and private, and melted them together with lead-metal and copper so to become useless for Hannibal... |
| ... | battles followed... |
| αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ὁρῶσαι τὸ τέλος τῶν ἀνδρῶν, αἱ μὲν ἐρρίπτουν ἑαυτὰς κατὰ τῶν τεγῶν, αἱ δ᾽ ἀνήρτων, αἱ δὲ καὶ τὰ τέκνα προκατέσφαζον. | and the women seeing from the wall the end [=death] of the men, some threw themselves from the rooftops, others were hanged, and some had also slaughtered the children previously. |
Appian is clearly giving the Diodorus' version.
In all versions Saguntum's treasures, the possible loot, were destroyed by fire. However, in Diodorus and Appian this is specified as a mixture with copper & lead-metal, making it worthless. In all versions there're incidents of suicide. But in Diodorus and Appian it's the women that killed themselves, mainly by hanging, after murdering their own children. While in Livy, Maximus & Florus there's no distinction, and the weapon of their suicide seems there to be mainly the fire; with an exception in Florus who also adds the sword.
Our sculptor Querol seems to follow the greek tradition of Diodorus & Appian but combining it with the element of the sword as the suicide's means.
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| fig.05: Scenes from Livy's history, including the siege of Saguntum [up-right], Hannibal [up-left] & Roman-Carthaginean battles [down], in BNF fr. 30, f. 203r, 15th c.: Medieval French translation of Livy's history by Pierre Bercheure |
The story of Saguntum in later ancient thought
Silius Italicus wrote an epic poem about the Second Punic War towards the end of 1st c. CE; the Punica. As it would be expected it started with the siege of Saguntum, that in the ancient minds triggered the following war. There it's the deity Tisiphone, summoned by Juno, who drove the Saguntines mad. They, tired by the siege, burnt their own belongings and then killed each other [Sil. 2.580ff, 2.592ff, 2.609ff]. Silius doesn't exactly mention mass suicides.
It's also notable that some names from Saguntum are given in this epic, like: Murrus, Sicoris, Theron & Tiburna.
But the story concerned the christians too. Augustine of Hippo of the 4th-5th c. CE is devoting a chapter of his known De civitate Dei, actually discussing the fact that the pagan gods didn't protect the city of Saguntum [Aug. Civ.D. 3.20]. There, he repeats the destroying fire, the family killing and the suicides.
Nevertheless, he also adds a rumor, that previously the Saguntines under the pressure of the hunger, were fed with the corpses of their own people ['suorum cadaveribus']. The hunger of the besieged was implied by Livy [Liv. 21.11.12: 'inopia omnium' = scarcity of everything], & described by Appian [App. Hisp. 2.12]. But such reactions I think that could only be found in the relevant poetic works. For example Petronius, possibly a poet of the 1st c. CE, in his Satyricon wrote inter alia some lines for the Saguntines, who during the siege 'ate human flesh' [=humanas edere carnes]. While the aforementioned Silius avoids such images, mentioning only some unusual food ['insolitis'] like the armor coverings ['armorum tegmina'], probably made by leather [Sil. 2.469ff].
References:
- City of God of Augustine of Hippo, (transl.) Rev. Marcus Dods, D.D., in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1887
- Fides in Silius Italicus 'Punica', by Pomeroy, A.J., in Silius Italicus, Florian Schaffenrath (ed.), pp. 59-76, 2010
- Hannibal, by Patrick Hunt, 2017
- Hannibal: The Military Biography of Rome's Greatest Enemy, by Richard A. Gabriel, 2011
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